ITS HISTORY:

THE YOUTH MOVEMENT: A SECTORAL MOVEMENT WITH QUESTION

The Philippine Youth Movement moves like the wheel of fortune, having its own ups and down. But this sectoral movement had made its point as a historical movement which had made its profound effects in Philippine society. It had shaken and rearranged institution, been a vanguard of reforms and revolution, and especially during the more than 20 years of dictatorship, laid down the lives of bright, young and idealistic people who had voiced out their aspirations: to establish a free, democratic, just and humane country.

In the over-all political struggle causes of the oppressed people of the Philippines, the youth movement had transformed from its narrow-minded sectoral interests to that of being propagator and articulator of the masses. It is what we call desectoralization of youth movement as it had validly attempted to state that its sectoral concerns are tied to the larger issues of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic dependent capitalism. With this sectoral movement, which had come to grasp the aspects of social reality, its problems and the search for appropriate solutions to these deplorable problems, the impetus to organize other sectoral movement also started.

The youth movement can claim that it is a cross-class and cross-sector, from the intelligentsia down to the poorest of social and economic classes. Mobile and with enough resources and time, not primarily occupied with production concerns, its development and growth had been marked by sophistication and creativity. Young activists have been associated with clenched fists in their left and stones in their right hand ready to confront the vultures of the states, had been imprinted on the minds of our elders. Although this is stereotype description of young activist, it had provided one thing: that of commitment to all modes of struggles, whether armed or not, to effect lasting changes such as the changing of the societal structures of our country.

But what brought about the growth and decline of the Philippine Youth Movement? Today, repeating somewhere through the years. It is said to be conjectural --- itself a product of events which brought turmoil and resulted into crisis. As manifested in the troubled history of our country, the Philippine Youth Movement had been one which had heightened awareness and concerns, taking over where our elders had failed.

The purpose of this document is to serve the social democratic revolutionary youth, who may yet find it interesting enough of his/her role as a revolutionary, the role of the youth in the struggle of the masses for emancipation. Although the intense awareness and commitment of the young socialist may yet be revealed in the latter parts of this paper, it is encouraged that in the course of Philippine history, the comrades of the social democratic revolution will reflect upon the great sacrifices of the youth, of those considered comrades or not. And as we read through our own history as a nation then to the history of the Demokratiko-Sosyalistang Kabataan ng Pilipinas (DSKP), we may agree that the youth is a revolutionary sector, although full of its own sectoral contradictions, and may yet come out with conclusions of his/her own.

FROM A COLONY TO A NEO-COLONY

There was no clear recorded youth participation during the early times of the Spanish Colonial period. Mostly pocket rebellions in the different parts of the country were against forced labor, high cost of land rentals, arbitrary confiscation of properties, and religious persecution. Significant among these were of Dagohoy (1744-1829) and Palaris (1762-1764). But youth participation may have been wide. These rebellions had failed for there was no nationalist consciousness to speak of, even of the reformist tinge. The colonized people at this time were forced to ignorance because education was inaccessible. It was only opened to the peninsulares and insulares.

It was only during the 19th century that the local elite had been absorbed into the educational institutions and were allowed minor participation in the governance of the colony. A part of these local elites, called the illustrados, had been able to wiggle into the academic institutions here and abroad. This was a time in which liberal thinking in Europe was at its height. Inspired by liberalism in Europe and armed with education which cannot be found in the Asian colony, young exiles led by Jose Rizal banded together to initiate the Propaganda Movement. Through its publication La Solidaridad, the Propaganda Movement advocated for reforms in the Philippine Islands, like assimilation into Spain, constituting a distinct province of that European country.

Upon Rizal’s return from Spain, he organized the La Liga Filipina. The La Liga attracted many young adherents, among them was Andres Bonifacio who exerted great efforts organizing La Liga units even as Rizal was arrested and exiled to Dapitan. But with the hope for result was not yet seen, the La Liga members contemplated on what appropriate measures should be taken in order to continue the struggle for reforms. It had eventually polarized the members as it was divided into two camps: one which was the Cuerpo de Compromisarios composed of the young illustrados who were moderate enough and compromising that they shunned an armed revolution and that the propaganda through the La Solidaridad and organizing were enough to initiate these; and the radicals led by the 29-year old Andres Bonifacio who had the foresight and courage to lead a revolution and form a country apart from Spain. Even Rizal, ever the rallying point of the propaganda and revolutionary movements, was vehemently against the radicals, stating that his name should not be used by the radicals in a bloody and futile carnage. Up to the point of his execution at Bagumbayan, Rizal was a reformist, a moderate clouded by his illustrado image. Nevertheless, his death pushed the continuing revolutionary movement being organized by Bonifacio to move faster.

Yes,the Propaganda Movement failed for it did not have the grasp of the history of liberation and social realities. The members of the La Liga, ever creole or illustrado had never thought of the toiling masses as the leading force which shall bring about change. The inspiration of the French Revolution was a historical message to masses not the ruling classes. The struggle for change radical faction led by Andres Bonifacio was one with the masses, sowing the seeds of discontent and revolution. The radicals formed the Kataastaasan, Kagalanggalangang Katipunan ng mga Anank ng Bayan (KKK or Katipunan). The KATIPUNAN which was composed of the different sectors of society at that time, angered by the death of three martyred native priests in 1872 (GOMBURZA) and by the execution of Rizal embraced the struggle and took up aims for emancipation of the natives from the oppressive Spanish Colonial Administration. It launched a nationality coordinated armed insurrection, with independence as its main objective.

Further, KATIPUNAN was still at its formation stage, it was discovered by the Spanish authorities through the information of a disgruntled member. It was forced to go out into the open rebellion as a crackdown on its membership was vigorously being initiated. On August 23, 1893, at Pugad Lawin they massed-up and commenced the revolution. They tore-up their cedulas and with few weapons to match the colonialists’ arms, they pursued the revolutionary struggle for independence. Even in the face of massive losses because of the superior fire power of the enemy, they persisted.

The other calvaries of the revolutionary movement, led by Caviteño Emilio Aguinaldo, had successfully repulsed attempts to quell the revolt in their own turf, They had launched bold offensives against the troops of the Colonialists as to make up for the losses of their proletarian comrades in Manila. Success after success did influence the tide of the war for independence shift the revolutionaries.

Victory was imminent but the revolution was not to be concluded. A rift among the leaders of the revolution chopped-up. Upon the formation of the revolutionary government at Tejeros in 1897, the division was heightened. The Magdalo faction led by the Cavite illustrados demanded that the position of War and Interior should not be given to an uneducated individual like Bonifacio. Instead it should be given to the educated illustrados within the group. Such himself ever the illustrados’ dominance of the group led to the walk-out of Bonifacio and his Magdiwang faction of radicals. Later on, Bonifacio was to be charged with treason by the same group led by Aguinaldo through a kangaroo court. Bonifacio and his brothers were executed. He- a full blooded son of the masses fell and the scheming illustrados carried the revolution to the outskirts of Manila. There they compromised with the Spaniards and agreed to exile themselves to Hongkong after indemnification were given. In Hongkong, they engineered a negotiation with a soon to be imperial colonizer --- the United States of America.

At this time, Spain and the United States were at state of war. The latter, assisting Aguinaldo’s return to the country with arms purchased in Hongkong, was also dealing with the former on what to do with the Philippines. The Treaty of Paris on the 10th of December 1898 concluded that the Philippines be ceded to the U.S. for $20 million even at the objections of the representative sent by Aguinaldo. Aguinaldo had already proclaimed independence on the 12th of June 1898 at Kawit, Cavite and was about to march into Manila with his army of landed gentries when a mock battle at Manila Bay ensued between the two Colonial powers which Spain lost at the cost of one (1) life. The US entered Manila, preventing the forces of Aguinaldo into doing the same.

A brief stalemate happened, but the revolutionary government of Aguinaldo was again at war with a new colonial power. By the 4th of February 1899, after the shooting of a Filipino soldier by an American counterpart in San Juan, a new phase in the struggle entered… the Philippine-American War. (which the American Government officially recognized as the Philippine Insurrection). During this time barbarian like those used by the Marcos dictatorship were first introduced: hamletting, zoning, free fire areas, and the water cure were experienced. As Aguinaldo and his forces hastily retreated, the Americans burned villages, wiping out entire populations in revenge for their soldiers killed, young boys from age 10 up were massacred. Only upon the capture of Aguinaldo with the help of the local Macabebes did the nationally-coordinated effort of resistance partially ceased. Among those who did not surrender continued their isolated resistance in the various parts of the country just dismissed these revolutionaries as ordinary bandits.

The Philippine was now an American colony.

The revolutionary struggle initiated by the youth led by the Rizal, though reformist as manifested in the La Liga, was turned into a revolutionary struggle spearhead by the KATIPUNAN. Rizal was 29 when he started the revolution, Aguinaldo was also 29 when he proclaimed Philippine Independence in 1898, Gregorio del Pilar gave up his life at Tirad Pass at 24, and the brains of the KATIPUNAN, Emilio Jacinto dropped out from school at 20 to join the revolution. But it was also a story of betrayal and intrigue. The young illustrados, reformist in the beginning, then the revolutionaty after hesitating, never trusted the masses as what Bonifacio had done. Thus, this trust in the masses cost him his life. And the compromises and collaboration of Aguinaldo and subsequent betrayal of the revolution led the country into a period of “benevolent” colonization in the hands of the Americans.

But the revolution had not yet been concluded. The early 1900s had a period of minor upheavals, marked by formal debated of assimilation or independence. The illustrados were now turning into another social class, now being accepted into higher levels of governance under the pretext of “training for democracy”. The Americans had turned the country into one big dumping ground of its surplus products for further profits of its industrial capitalists, while charging excessive amounts on Philippine “exports” with no charging on all their products shipped to the colony. The American culture was now being accepted by the elite who were before mimicking their European counterparts. And the fermentation of young critics started by the radicals of the Propaganda Movement were to be replaced by the US-trained pencionados under the educational system of the US.

The 1930s saw the rise of more ideologically – inclined groups, with the exception of the Sakdalistas who were motivated by millennium religions thoughts. The Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) which is pro-Soviet Union led by Crisanto Evangelista in 1930 and the Socialist Party of the Philippines (SPP) formed in 1929 by Pedro Abad Santos was among the prominent group. The former was based among the urban proletariat and the latter had very strong peasant base in Central Luzon. Both were persecuted and outlawed by the Commonwealth government, they later merged in 1938 and the surviving organization was the PKP.

As the debate for independence or statehood was on, the youth were also at the forefront. Wenceslao Vinzons, a student leader at the University of the Philippines; formed the Young Philippines which supported the Nacionalist Party (NP) in its clamor for an immediate granting of independence. The Young Philippines also focused its attention on graft and corruption in government. Later on, it ended as the NP youth arm, indulging in illustrado undertakings of reformism. Most youth and student organizations were formed to promote recreational, educational and religious programs. These were significant as compared to those youth organizations during the demise of the Spanish empire.

The Commonwealth period was abruptly interrupted by the Second World War. The country, after being left to fend for itself by the American Forces, fell into Japanese hands on April 1942. Young people who were either regulators of the ill-equipped, ill-trained and ill-prepared Philippine Army and Philippine Scouts or ROTC units banded together to form guerilla units effectively harassed Japanese lines of communications, transportations. They also provided intelligence to the Allied forces. The most daring among these units was the Hukbong Bayan Laban sa Hapon (HUKBALAHAP) formed by the merged PKP. Sacrifices were great as the toll in lives and infrastructure were of the same magnitude as was in Europe’s ravaged-cities. But their effectiveness eventually paved the way for the return of the American forces to the country.

INDEPENDENCE WITH STRINGS

Amidst the ruins and devastation in 1946, the granting of independence to the country was given on the 4th of July, and the country had another period of domination, which was the neocolonial period. Though the US had granted formal political independence, it was major player in the country’s domestic affairs. President Roxas died at Clark Air Base due to heart attack as he was praising America’s greatness and its contribution to “World Peace” after the war. He also rammed into the throats of our people the Bell Trade Act which gave the Americans the same economic rights as the Filipinos. The Act had blocked the development of the Philippine Industry as the technological and financial superiority of the American industrial capitalists had effectively reduced the Philippine industrialists to mere agricultural exporters. Thus, the Philippine landed elite were the only one who benefited from the Act.

A Civil War ensued between the Government of Quirino and the PKP through its peasant-based army called the Hukbong Magpapalaya sa Bayan (HMB or Huk) which called for the liberation of the masses and reacted against the removal of its members who were elected members of the Congress under the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the continued repression of the peasants in Central Luzon by the landlord-dominated Philippine Constabulary (PC). The rise of his Defense Secretary, Ramon Magsaysay Jr. in 1950, to prominence, was a product of American conspired events. He effectively put down the Huk rebellion and through his personalized approach to the insurgency problem made him America’s choice for presidency. Magsaysay won the election overwhelmingly and started an intense period of Americanization. His programs were formulated and implemented by the USAID and the Filipino intellectuals were sent to the US. But nationalists led by Sen. Claro M. Recto went against the pro-American tendencies of Magsaysay and proposed a full Filipino-led industrialization program. Recto ran for the presidency but ended last after his campaign which was marred by CIA – instigated black propaganda and had been labeled as a communist.

Carlos P. Garcia pushed for the “Filipino First Policy” giving the Filipino industrialists priority in dollar allocations. For the first time, the country saw her emergence as a fast rising industrializing nation second only to Japan. But his government was also full corruption which eventually led to his defeat.

The Philippines, then enjoying its highest growth rate ever, was a country teeming with political and social turmoil inside. The basic need of agrarian reform had not been addressed by presidents since Quezon’s time, only half-hearted attempts were done to pacify the dissatisfaction of the masses. Macapagal’s Agricultural Reform Code was emasculated by the landlord-dominated Congress and the profits being enjoyed by the industrialized were not going down to the workers. The Philippine society was becoming worse, the rich getting richer, a state which had not provided enough social justice and economic upliftment for the majority in the Philippine society.

By 1961, President Macapagal started the ever increasing dependence of the country on foreign loans. He borrowed from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and also started a half-hearted agrarian reform program. The government was already reeking with graft and corruption and the ability of the local industrialists to effectively compete with the foreign industrialists was greatly impaired as he reversed Garcia’s “Filipino First Policy”. The foreign competitors were able to gain the upperhand in the country’s market as the industrial program eventually went to a halt.

In 1966 saw the rise of young Ferdinand Marcos, from an almost convicted assassin of his political opponent, to being a congressman and senator of the country was the next to follow as the president of the country. The need for a hero who had almost the same capabilities as Magsaysay was the first in mind of the people. He exploited this by having himself made as a war hero of the questionable Maharlika unit of World War II, thus winning the presidency. But this rise to the highest post in the land was to be distorted by his blackmailing capabilities and unscrupulous political maneuverings.

The country was at the rock bottom with regards to social ills as its people had become hungrier and powerless. And the ostentatious show of the elite amidst the background of mass poverty had angered the youth our land. And this era had given us the great young leaders the country had seen through their capacities as activists with a very dear and costly cause.

A FIERY OUTBURST

President Ferdinand E. Marcos was perceived by many as a man who can give a strong leadership to our land. Being known as a World War II guerilla leader (called the Maharlikas), he was a fiery orator as he dominated the halls of both houses of Congress, first as a congressman, and then as a Senator. But he was also well known among small circles and the media of having doubtful associations who were siphoning off government funds as they corrupted his government. The intellectuals of that time were disillusioned by his complete turn-around on the Vietnam War issue, with his campaign promise of not sending the PHILCAG to Vietnam, to that of wholly supporting it.

His reelection in 1969 was a sham. Marcos spent for his campaign funds from coffers of the government which further sent inflation up and had bogged down any recovery efforts for the economy. Warlords were roaming in the countryside like what had happened in two barangays in Banlay, Ilocos Sur. The situation of the country was that of utter desperation.

But then the social condition in the country was not totally different from the other countries which were now experiencing a growing disenchantment of the people against the government. The US had its problems of students dodging the war draft to Vietnam. In France, its student radicals were hell-bent in effecting reforms in the educational system. With the growing disenchantment, the youth of the country were to take a greater part in changing modern Philippine history.

“Battle of Mendiola” and “Diliman Commune” were part of this history of the Philippine Youth Movement. Militant and leftist students were now braving battles with METROCOM led by the national democratic – led Kabataang Makabayan (KM), which was founded by the new Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) chairperson Jose Ma. Sison. And those of social democratic orientation led by the Lakasdiwa of Ed Garcia, KASAPI, Hasik Kalayaan, and the Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Kalayaan (KAK). The last two later on merged and formed the Katipunan ng mga Demokratiko-Sosyalistang Pilipino (KDSP).

The youth movement was therefore divided into two camps: the national democrats and the social democrats. And their position on achieving social change.

Although dozens of youth and students were involved mainly in the Party’s education, propaganda and administrative tasks, the youth still had no distinct, organized sector of its own within the Party.

The year 1976 saw the rise of a third sector within the Party, with the institution of a Third Department under Comrade Mariano. The Department had three offices ---- 1.) religious 2.) professionals, and 3.) the student office under Comrade Akong, then a student tasked to organize among the peasantry. The formation of the Third Department was seen as the final step in organizing the triple alliance of the peasants, workers and the petty bourgeoisie towards national liberation.

Among the first tasks of the Student Office was to identify and organized students and youth entrenched within the different Party branches. An initial steering committee, composed of Comrades Akong, Wally and Victor was later formed. Organized around this core was a handful of young Party cadres.

Work in the initials months was painstakingly slow and difficult, as the Student Office had to virtually start from scratch. Due to more pressing demands on other sectors and fronts, student organizing had been largely ignored by the Party in its early years, and there were few young cadres or contacts to start with.

The new student organizers saw the key to a long-term effort among the youth lay in the initial trust of selective recruitment and the cadre-building, rather than in mass orientation. Hence, one by one, cadre-quality leaders were spotted, recruited, and educated through weekend seminars, then immediately assigned to frontline organizing work. Through sheer persistence, the student office grew to some 60 people in a few months, organized into mother cells/ study groups of 3 to 7 people each.

Expansion was slow but steady, for many new recruits had some previous political or organizing experience. Many of the new recruits soon to became deeply involved in the organizing of the peasantry, thus contributing to rapid Party expansion in the Southern Tagalog area. Given its one-year experience among the peasantry, this group would later prove to be pivotal in the emergence of the pivotal in the emergence of the third echelon of the Party leadership.

In the mid-1977, the Party began to take a more publicly active part in the extra-legal struggle, when it helped organize the People’s Convention on Human Rights. This convention ventilated sharp criticism of the fascist dictatorship’s severe and habitual violations of human rights. The People’s Alternative, a manifesto declaring the social democratic alternative to the totalitarian rule of both Right and Left, was publicly launched for the first time. Among its prominent signatories were: Benigno Aquino Jr., Corazon C. Aquino, Fr. Romeo Intengan S.J., Jovito Salonga, Teofisto Guingona, Jose Diokno, Lorenzo Tañada, and some 40 others. Cooperating with some elders of the democratic opposition, the Party helped from a multisectoral social democratic semilegal opposition group called Katipunan ng Bayan para sa Kalayaan (KaBaPa). All the party branches, including the studentry, began to take on a more mass character.

The Student Office formed the Katipunan ng Mag-aaral Para sa Kalayaan (KaMaKa). The enlarged political space enabled the studentry to surface and openly discusses the People’s Alternative for the first time, and this in turn opened opportunities for collaboration with the other friendly Democratic Left forces. Cooperation with the youth sector of KASAPI which culminated in the launching of the Kongreso ng Mag-aaral sa Pilipinas attended by over 100 student leaders. Although the alliance and the field of students organizing. For until then, most of the Office gain better insight into the field of student organizing. For until then, most of the Office’s efforts were geared towards supporting the Party work among the peasantry and the urban poor.

RAPID GROWTH, MASSIVE FASCIST REPRISAL AND INTERNAL CRISES

Growing student radicalism in many campuses, fueled by increasing militarization of campuses and harassment of many student leaders, provided for wider student recruitment. For the first time, the Student Office began to expand along Manila’s University Belt, and opened up youth fronts in Bataan, Cagayan De Oro, ,and Laguna. The strategy was to wrest control over certain key student organizations, which could later on serve as bases for further expansion in these areas. Meanwhile, threatened as they were by the steady growth of Social Democratic forces in many campuses, the Maoist-controlled national democrats began vicious black propaganda campaign against key personages in the social democratic movement. The Student Office responded by making steady progress.

The increasingly prominent extralegal work of the Party as a whole attracted more recruits and sympathizers to it. In the late 1977, to cope up with the growing complexity of the rapidly expanding Party organization, a Central Committee was formed as the highest operative organ of the Party. The Student Office still had no direct representative, but continued to make its presence felt through Comrade Mariano of the Third Department.

The Party’s increased capability was dramatically proven during the campaign in the Metro Manila area preceding the elections for the Interim National Assembly on April 7, 1978, when the Party was able to wrestle control of the machinery of the semi legal opposition Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN) Party from the Maoist communists, to mobilize over 8,000 poll watchers in less than a month, and to launch a massive noise barrage that plunged the whole of Metro Manila into an uproar on the eve of the elections. This noise barrage was, until then, the first massive public display of disenchantment against the regime carried out by the ordinary citizens and the largely unorganized masses.

The student sector played a vital part in the course of this campaign. Through Party support and initiative, the student sector helped launch the first publicly-sold opposition newspaper Malayang Pilipinas which rapidly increased circulation from 15,000 to 100,000 within a few weeks. Peddling papers along the City’s sidewalks, or negotiating with hesitant newspaper stall owners, cadres and new student recruits showed courage in a defiant public act that later the first wave of arrests and harassment. After seven issues, the paper’s press was threatened and thus had to discontinue, while several students were arbitrarily arrested and interrogated.

Meanwhile, other student leaders actively pursued with the campaign--- recruiting, mobilizing, for public rallies, and educating poll watchers on the conduct of elections. The office successfully mobilized several thousands in the course of its one month operation and 800 of these faithfully guarded the polls on election day.

The growing strength of the Party provoked the first massive reprisals from the government fascist forces. On the day of the elections, thousands of opposition poll watchers, most of them Party cadres, recruits or sympathizers were subjected to grave intimidation, physical injuries and arbitrary detention. On April 9, 1978, the fascist police arrested more than 500 Party cadres, recruits and sympathizers in connection with a peaceful indignation march and prayer rally to protest the massive fraud and terrorism perpetrated by the regime to mock popular will and to snatch a pretended victory from the ashes of obvious defeat. Some 100 students, including the entire Student Office core group, were likewise detained. Some thirty of those arrested were tortured. One of the Party’s candidate members, Comrade Teotimo Tantiado, an 18-year old farmer from the province of Camarines Sur, died from the effects of fascist torture. Several more Party cadres were captured in subsequent raids, placed in detention and maltreated. A few months later, on November 2, 1978, the body of Comrade Odie Soliman, a 22 year old KaMaKa student leader from the University of the East, was fished out of a murky river in Cavite, with death under mysterious circumstances. Comrade Odie had been arrested, maltreated and threatened several times in the previous months for active involvement in mass actions. Although his death remains unexplained until now, those who attended his wake in Novaliches, Quezon City reported the presence of four burly government agents guarding his lifeless corpse.

The stringent and dangerous situation faced by the young Party caused a major internal crisis among the leadership and in the Party bases. Many sympathizers and even some cadres who worked willingly enough during the previously more secure and exurbant times now began to lie low. Some even left the Party and the movement. In the August and September 1978, some relatively new members in the second echelon of the Party leadership engineered a split in the Party, sowing confusion and dismay in the ranks and even among the leadership.

A majority of the cadres, did not, however, accept the authority of the insurgent faction, and so in early 1979 they formed a National Coordinating Council under Comrade Carlos Lopez to rectify errors and rebuild the Party. The Old Central Committee was considered dissolved.

PARTY RECOVERY AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE SMK

Amidst the troubles faced during those times, there were also some noteworthy positive developments. The public exposure gained by the Party, caused by the gloating government reports of its reprisals, attracted new elements into the Party especially among professionals and the youth. And as if to make up for the losses of the recent months, membership and mass base grew rapidly in Eastern Mindanao, Metro Manila and other areas.

On the student front, despite the reduction among its ranks, the core group of the built-in weaknesses, of being part of the vacillating petty bourgeois class, and must learn to face squarely fascist reprisal as inevitable in the course of the struggles. Second, that armed struggle was a necessity. Third, that the Party leadership was not important as faithful adherence and active pursuit by each individual Party cadre of the Democratic Socialist struggle. Fourth that each student cadre must now prepare for eventual Party leadership for when that opportunity arises. And fifth, that the Student Office’s directions must be redefined to meet the prevailing contingencies.

More meetings were subsequently held, and from these talks emerged the Sandigan ng Makalayang Kabataan (SMK) in July 1978. SMK’s founding signaled two changes in the sector’s thrusts. First was shift from student to youth organizing, implying the need to look beyond the needs of the petty bourgeois students in Metro Manila. Second was the Student Office’s shift from that of a Primary Party Branch to that of a Primary Party Front, thus recognizing the need for a more mass-oriented student and youth organizing effort. Elected Chairman was Comrade Akong, with an expanded core group composed of Comrade Wally, Atty. Victor, and Elmer.

As most of the Party leaders dug deep into the underground due to fascist reprisals, and as the communications with the new youth front remained severed, the SMK decided to act independently and consolidate its forces in anticipation of renewed Party activity thereafter. It issued its First Political Transmission, spelling in details its one year thrust of strengthening SMK as a viable Primary Student Front. This paper was discussed and evaluated with each and every individual youth cadre to ensure consensus on a common direction. And to cope up with existing contingencies, a para-military command structure was established, with collectives for line leadership, education, logistics, intelligence and counterintelligence, and the propaganda. Rigid revolutionary discipline was the instituted norm.

Batingaw, the official SMK organ, first came out in November 1978. Starting from a few hundred copies, circulation increased to a few thousand, and was circulated widely along Manila’s university belt as an inroad to wider student recruitment. Soon, other Party branches too began receiving the Batingaw which now became the convenient contact point for several isolated Party cadres working among several sectoral fronts in Metro Manila. As months progressed, student bases in Manila’s universities were gradually strengthened, and a new front was opened in Baguio City in the North. Overall, expansion was moderately paced, but exurbance at work and the spirit of oneness in the struggle was at its peak.

PERIOD OF EXPERIMENTATION AND MATURITY

With the gradual reorganization of the command Party structure in the months preceding July 1979, some SMK’s leaders gradually became more involved in other Party branches. Hence, new youth leaders readily sprang out into their places. In early 1979, Comrade Wally became the new SMK Chairperson, replaced a few months later by Comrade Elmer.

Exuding confidence over its successes in the preceding months, SMK embarked on a period of tactical experimentation and local initiatives. Seminars and campus teachings were organized. SMK likewise became more vocal in campus politics, distributing manifestos and engaging in “pintang bakod” operations.

In its First National Collective Meeting in Cavite in May 1979, SMK leaders began assessing their one-year gains on the youth front vis-à-vis the earlier 1978 Political Transmission. The consensus was that, although the group had fallen short of its quantifiable targets, the qualitative change among SMK’s cadres more than made up for its lack of numbers. Also some sensitive tactical errors were openly discussed for rectification.

First was the over-emphasis placed on organizing of exclusive Catholic universities where fall-out was high, owing to their very vacillating, Bourgeoisie nature. Secondly, as most cadres had been accustomed to working in the Party underground, few were able to publicly project the Democratic Socialist alternative, and SMK itself failed to operate as a semi legal front as it was intended to be. Third, the over-centralization in SMK’s command structure somehow limited its expansion work, and failed to animate the local initiatives. Fourth, experienced cadres tended to move up the organizational hierarchy of both SMK and the Party quickly, thus leaving to new recruits the tasks of youth organizing at the frontlines where the cadre experience is most needed. Thus, a Second Political Transmission was subsequently issued, calling for greater involvement in mass base building and mass mobilizations.

By July 1979, full consolidation and redeployment of SMK’s forces had been achieved. It had about 100 active cadres in its fold, distributed among five unit collectives which new operated semi-autonomously.

One major breakthrough occurred in the latter half of 1979 SMK captured a strong student base in a large Manila University,as well as and operations center in Laguna. These events led to a major redeployment of forces along these two youth fronts. In November 1979, Comrade Clara was installed as SMK’s fourth Chairperson on a barely two-year span.

In January 1980 an Emergency Second National Collective Meeting was called in Laguna to settle once and for all which of the two existing Party factions to officially recognize and support. After careful deliberation, SMK unanimously chose to throw its full support behind the National Consultative Council under Comrade Carlos Lopez. Though, this was really just an affirmation rather than a real decision among those present. With renewed commitment and vigor, some cadres announced to get into fu;; time organizing work.

Meanwhile, revolutionary fervor then among the basic masses was escalating, owing to increasing military repression and the growing feeling especially among the democratic opposition that violent change was necessary and inevitable. On May to October 1980, an effort was launched by some elements of the democratic opposition both home and abroad, to destabilize the US-backed Marcos regime and to force Mr. Marcos to surrender power through negotiations. The PDSP agreed to the plan in principle, but on the condition that wide spread and adequate politicization, organization and mobilization of the masses be made an integral part of the process of change--- to establish and consolidate democracy, avoid elitist misrule, and initiate much needed radical societal changes in a redistributive direction.
The youth sector itself was consulted by higher Party organs, as well as approached individually by the organizers of the plan. The SMK National Collective, after meeting in a heated debate rejected the plan altogether as matters of principle, echoing in part the Party’s stands on the need for more popular participation. Yet, SMK’s stand also differs substantially from that of higher Party organs. It argued that a protracted people’s war, rather than an elitist destabilization plan, was the key to the toppling down of the US-backed Marcos dictatorship. Formulated and submitted to higher Party organs which outlined the SMK’s collective stand of armed struggle and the principle of people’s war. And in the spirit of mutual democratic dialogue these ideas would later find their way into the Party’s strategies and tactics as a concrete ideological contribution of the now maturing youth sector.

When the organizers of the destabilization campaign failed to give concrete importance to preparations for popular participation in the process of change, the Party declined to participate. However, some organizers of the campaign, for reasons of their own choice projected the Party and the Sandigan ng Pambansang Pagpapalaya ng Pilipinas (SANDIGAN Army) as the principal elements in the destabilization campaign.

Such a situation exposed the Party as well as the SMK cadres to fascist government reprisal. By late October 1980, most of the SMK leaders had to hide deep underground for several months, thus impairing their political effectivity to a significant degree. Others were increasingly radicalized, opting to continue the struggle by shifting focus to other political and para-military units of the Party. The situation caused abrupt changes in the SMK leadership and forcibly brought to fore relatively inexperienced leaders. Comrade Eros now became the fifth SMK Chairperson.

GRADUAL DECLINE OF THE SMK AND THE EMERGENCE OF A NEW YOUTH FRONT

The deceit Mr. Marcos tried to foist upon the Filipino people by the so called “lifting of Martial Law” in January 1981 and by the proclamation of the “New Republic” in June of the same year, strengthened the resolve of the Party and the SANDIGAN to more militantly resist the US-backed Marcos dictatorship. Hence, several top SMK leaders now in underground quietly began to join the armed resistance. It was during this period that a second SMK cadre, Comrade Ronaldo Yulo, well-loved by the Party and the masses among whom he worked, passed to life beyond in line of duty on May 31, 1981.

Moved as they were by the ultimate sacrifice of a beloved friend and comrade, and responding to higher demands of the Party, many of the SMK leaders began to rise in rank, to occupy the third echelon leadership of the Party itself.

Meanwhile, on the youth front, the new SMK leaders were waging a different struggle of their own. With many valuable cadres now in the underground Party during the late 1980s crisis, the new leaders were paralyzed in the wake of massive fascist raids and arrests that swept throughout the Party. Inexperienced as they were, the leaders committed several tactical blunders. Instead of consolidating their ranks with greater resolve as they did with the birth of the SMK in 1978, they opted to decentralize even more, causing many recruits to stray away below. Communications became loose, and entire unit collectives were neglected. Hence, a hasty caucus held in January 1981, in the presence of some higher Party cadres elected Comrade Jong as the new SMK Chairperson.
The same caucus emphasized on the need for more rootedness among the masses on the part of the youth cadres, and the need to establish two youth fronts --- SMK as the youth’s underground Primary Front, and another mass-based (Secondary) Social Democratic Front, having a clear legal identity. Subsequent meetings thus resulted into the founding of the Youth for the Advancement of Faith and Justice (YAFJ) in January 1981, SMK as an organization meanwhile lay dormant for some time since most of its intended members were now deep into the Party underground.

YAFJ’s founding signaled the youth sector to take up to the streets. In its first public indignation rally made to coincide with Pope John Paul II’s visit in February 1981, YAFJ member distributed manifestos and unfurled banners unmasking the sham lifting of Martial Law a month earlier, and revealing the true sad state of the nation. Subsequent mass actions caused its numbers to swell to three universities, but such a narrow concentration among the studentry also compromised the neglect of other youth/sectoral fronts.

A series of rapid changes was initiated in YAFJ’S leadership starting in late 1981 with the fall out of certain key leaders. Thus, and entirely new batch of leaders emerged. These new leaders had little experience with the old SMK or underground Party itself, but they compensated for this by gradually involving more with legal Party fronts operating among the workers and urban poor.

In 1982-1983, the youth group decided to operate independently of the underground Party, so as to protect themselves against the repeated fascist government reprisals aimed at quelling of Party “special operations” which whom they were often identified. But as months progressed, a handful of youth leaders began to veer away from the Party, fueled in part by certain disgruntled former Party elements. In due time, these misguided elements would disassociate themselves completely from the Party and be instrumental in the formation of the Bukluran sa Ikauunlad ng Sosyalistang Isip at Gawa (BISIG).

The year 1981-1983 also saw the emergence of many independent initiatives along the youth front, that in that retrospect, it is difficult to pinpoint a single standard bearer for the youth’s Democratic Socialist Struggle during this period. In Cagayan de Oro, Bicol and among the urban poor in Metro Manila, several young Party cadres and sympathizers who were associated several years earlier with the SMK and the Student Office quietly labored to lay down the foundations for a truly mass-oriented Social Democratic Youth Front.

One such person was Comrade Abbas, a Party sympathizer. Fresh from collage, he left his home and his job in 1980 to live among Metro Manila’s slums out of sheer fiat, commitment and love for the masses among whom he walked. Alone and with no visible means of support, he spent the next three years organizing the poor university students, young factory workers and out-of-school-youth into several community groups which would later figure prominently in the re-emergence of the SMK.

In many universities and campuses meanwhile, a new batch of dedicated student leaders with social democratic leanings began organizing political parties determined to capture key positions in University Student Council. Though completely inexperienced, these students succeeded in establishing inter-campus campaign machineries overnight. In 1982, they made history by capturing seats in the University of the Philippines Student Council --- whose dominance by the Communist led national democrats had for the past 10 years been left unchallenged. Similar victories were scored in other large universities in Metro Manila.

EMERGENCE OF OTHER SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC YOUTH FRONTS

The treacherous slaying of oppositionist Benigno Aquino Jr. at the Manila International Airport on the 21st of August 1983 triggered a massive wave of protest that swept across the nation and changed the entire fabric of the political struggle and Philippine society.

The youth Party cadres began organizing social democratic youth fronts in order to utilize the ongoing politicalization of the youth. In Tondo, the Diwa ng Pananampalataya at Katarungan (DIWA) was formed and also in the University of Manila, its student components was located. The YAFJ and the DIWA coordinated efforts to establish the KAPAKANAN or the Kabataan para sa Pananampalataya, Katarungan at Nasyonalismo.

SAPAK, or the Samahan ng Pananampalataya at Katarungan, the Social Democratic Legal Multi-Sectoral Front of the Party relied upon the KAPAKANAN as its youth arm. While the YAFJ initiated the first anti-imperialist mobilization led by non-national democratic youth groups at the US embassy.

The swelling protest movement also brought to fore other youth organizations with social democratic leanings which gravitated around the Bansang Nagkakaisa sa Diwa at Layunin (BANDILA Coalition). The BANDILA was organized as the alternative protest movement to the nation democrat-dominated BAYAN. With BANDILA, the young Party cadres again linked up with the KAMAG-ARAL of the KASAPI.

The 1986 Snap Election called for by fascist dictatorship amidst the pressures from here and abroad was greeted by intense debated within the Party structure. With the growing disenchantment of the masses and the popular but non-violent uprising of the people taken into consideration, pushed the Party’s decision to participate in the semilegal opposition by openly campaigning for Corazon Aquino’s election, as opposed to its boycott stance during the 1984 Batasang Pambansa elections.

But although with the hope that the popular will of the people would prevail in this political exercise, it was also agreed upon that revolutionary consciousness had been achieved at this stage and that a frustration of the people’s will shall eventually lead to an armed uprising which shall be spontaneous and supported by the bourgeoisie elements who were the main backers of Corazon Aquino’s campaign. Thus, with this analysis of ever worsening situation, the Party was ready to call in a number of its youth cadres to train and prepare for this eventuality.

The Snap Election ushered in the February Revolt which was started by a civil disobedience campaign by the democratic opposition and eventually led to the toppling down of the dictatorship after several days of massive assembly of force in numbers at EDSA. The social democratic youth fronts were instrumental in the mobilization of the people. Together with the Party cadres, they helped in calling in for support for the military mutineers holed up in the two major military camps in Quezon City, which was initiated by the BANDILA.
Political democracy was now achieved by the masses, although the end was not yet seen. For in this time, the state of the nation was in a terribly sorry condition. With a ballooning debt, unretrieved ill-gotten wealth and a big portion of the citizenry living under impoverished conditions, the task of rebuilding was just only beginning.

POST-EDSA REVOLT

1986 was characterized by massive realignment and a reconstruction of democracy. The government of President Corazon Aquino had released all political prisoners, whether from the left or the right, and had initiate talks with the underground communist movement. A new Constitution was being formulated to replace the old one which was perverted to suit the former dictator’s needs. And in this Constitutional Commission, revered street parliamentarians constituted a greater part of it.

For the PDSP and its component group, it was also a time of consolidating the democracy gained into concrete manifestations and after being in the underground for more than a decade, decided that it had to participate in the democratic processes of society. With this decision, it now relegated the policy of armed struggle to the background and opted to participate in the legal arena of political democracy.

With the euphoria sweeping the country, the economy began striking positive growth with the new confidence that capitalists had expressed. But for the few that tended to still watch this fragile democracy, they see that it may be short-lived.

DSKP AND THE NEW SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC YOUTH FRONT

By June 1986, the SMK called for its Third National Consultative Assembly to assess the gains prior the 1986EDSA Political Revolt and be able to adjust to the changing political atmosphere.

It was decided upon the National Consultative Assembly to transform the SMK into the Demokratiko-Sosyalistang Kabataan ng Pilipinas (DSKP). It had chosen to adopt this name to openly advocate democratic socialism as a viable alternative to the present Philippine social realities. Secondly, it reformulated its membership from a purely cadre-based organizations into a mass and cadre-base orientation in order to rapidly expand its membership which shall be supportive of the electoral undertakings of the Party.

A meeting of the regional coordinators followed and here, they elected the new batch of leaders which was headed by Comrade Marco Polo Ferrer as Secretary-General and Comrade Danny Yang as his Deputy. The DSKP attempted to form collectives in the students and community youth, while it was gaining a strong foothold in the Mindanao State University (MSU).

With the rapid formation of DSKP Collectives in Tondo, Commonwealth, University of Manila, and a string community based youth organization in Davao known as MAKALAYA, the DSKP then decided that MAKALAYA be planned to achieve a national character which shall rival that of the KADENA of KM. Difficulties had arisen in the student front as it was hard to gain adherents in this sub-sector.

In the same year, the Students Democratic Union (SDU) was being formed in various colleges and universities in Metro Manila. But with the policy of prioritizing the DSKP as a primary organization in both the studentry and the community youth, the SDU was relegated to the background and therefore could not keep up to its self-preservation.

NEAR OSSIFICATION

Although there was a rapid growth and expansion of the DSKP, crises were beginnings to creep up within the organization.

Firstly, there was no clear-cut policy with what fronts should be prioritized in organizing. For there was a problem of classifying the DSKP as a Primary Social Democratic Youth Front, or being a mass organization which shall base its strength on the two components of the youth sector. The Democratic Student Union (DSU) as the SDU was now known, was confused with its relationship with the DSKP of being the social democratic front, or should disband to prioritize DSKP organizing in the campuses, and the MAKALAYA as the social democratic community of the DSU which was now constricted in the University of Santo Tomas. The MAKALAYA’s failure to take off as an organization of national character, and the main base of the DSKP was limited in Commonwealth, Quezon City.

Secondly, most of the organizers of the three groups were unskilled in organizing aspects as they failed in the consolidation and maintenance of units formed. This was attributed to the fact that the most of the organizers were only mass activists who had experienced during the anti-fascist struggle.

Lastly, the sudden resignation of the DSKP Secretary-General precipitated a crisis in leadership which compelled the Party to intervene.

Therefore, by late 1987, the DSKP disintegrated as a national organization.

WORSENING PROBLEM

Comrade Teodoro Lopez was tasked by the Party to take over the reigns of the DSKP through the Party’s National Youth Department. The goal of reorienting youth organizing was to be put into order. MAKALAYA organizing continued for some time but sputtered out, as there was already a growing shortage of organizers.

In 1988, the DSU was prioritized with the rationale that through an organization which shall be of mass character and be able to pursue the growing clamor for more student rights and welfare can be a staging ground for the development of young cadres. All organizing efforts were directed to the DSU with what little resources and organizers at hand. The DSKP in the MSU organized the DSU, then separating itself to give more independence to the latter.

Furtherance in the DSU organizing bore fruit as the organization was able to gain strong foothold in Mindanao, Western Visayas and Baguio as a direct result of the decision. It was now actively engaged in mass mobilization towards education reforms and campus politics. By May 1989, the DSU was able to hold its first National Congress and initiate a democratic left coalition of youth organizations to protest the increase of tuition, KALAPAG (Koalisyon Laban sa Pagtaas ng Matrikula), which gained national prominence.

The Youth Department exerted efforts in the assistance and formation of student political parties in major universities in the country such as the University of the Philippine System, Polytechnic University of the Philippines and the Far Eastern University. The engagement of the Department in this aspect was done either with DSU support or as a contingency to put up a presence for the eventual organizing of DSU chapters.

At this time, Comrade Lopez with the assistance of Comrade Bobby Tan tried to reorganize the DSKP in the Metro Manila area by forming a cadre pool that will undergo rigid ideological and organizing skills training. Although a manual for DSKP formation and operations had been written, this attempt was short-lived because of the high fall-out rate in the cadre pool. This was due to the lack of revolutionary consciousness and the unwillingness to undergo rigid revolutionary discipline of some of the candidate members. Furthermore, there was not attempt made to gain a new batch of recruits to be trained in this manner as the efforts were not adequately sustained. Also at this time, the financial institution on the organizing efforts of the youth cadres of the Party for 4 years was in a period of transition and its support to initiatives of the Party youth cadres will not be assured in the future.

The National Youth Department, with the assistance of Party General-Secretary, Comrade Luz Almazan, put up the Institute for the Youth Development (IYD) as a contingency measure to anticipate the eventual loss of logistic support. The IYD also closed shop as the staff lacked the skills to run an NGO and formulate project proposals in order to sustain the operations of the Institute. The whole staffs of the IYD were absorbed by other institution.

With this, the DSKP had ceased its national operation, but regional units remained active with their self-initiative.

1990-1991

The National Youth Department, which was taken over by the Students Desk of the ISO, was the only organ operating which was providing directions to the DSU as it was its executive arm, giving semblance to the DSKP as a whole in Party functions.

The NYD-ISO Student Desk, limited by the ISO in terms of logistical support and focusing, was constricted to limit its scope operations in the Metro Manila-Rizal area. The DSU had suffered a rapid expansion work, thus, in consolidation had dissolved some regional units and chapters, as what had happened to STR, Bicol and Northern Luzon. Secondly, that focusing in the MMR would eventually stabilized the operation of the Desk and eventually be allowed to resume regional operations. Lastly, that this focusing was only temporary and the regions would later receive the same attention.

During these years, the NYD-ISO attempted to put up a network of student councils, by heavily engaging in campus politics in the strongholds of the national democrats. But it was also shelved as the outcome was only a see-saw campaign, ,and successive defeats in major schools also made the NYD-ISO Student Desk concentrate in maintaining presence in the schools.

The DSU was actively involved in national initiatives of the Party, as it involved itself in the anti-fascist campaign which condemned the atrocities of the fascist military rebels.

But then, a growing concern among Party youth cadres active in the other sector to reconstitute the DSKP was rolling.

THE U.S. BASES ISSUE

The U.S. Military bases in the country were focal points in denouncing the evils of imperialism among nationalists. They were seen as blatant manifestation of foreign interventionism by the U.S. in the internal affairs of the country and the other Asian regions. The interest of the United States was never to protect the host country’s interest but only its own.

The Party policy on the U.S. bases in the beginning was that of immediate dismantling to that of eventual phase-out due to the perceived economic implications for the country. But the proposal of phase-out generated a heated debate among the Party cadres, with the youth Party cadres taking the hardline stance of immediate withdrawal.

The Military Bases Agreement was year fast approaching its expiration date, which was on the 16th of September 1991. And the country itself was immersed in a heated debate which ensued emotional outbursts on the part of the national leaders. The Senate of the country was polarized into two camps: those of favoring a new treaty forged by the negotiators and those vehemently against it. The odd was in favor of the anti-treaty camp, but its ranks were slowly being decimated.

The debate on the phase-out terms had also been intense in the Party. For as other nationalist groups had come out in the open with their total rejection of the treaty, the Party had yet to come out with a final decision. And this indecisiveness may had compromised the Party’s nationalist position. With this, the youth Party cadres had banded together to state their common position.

This coming together of the young Party cadres became the motive force in the reviving of the DSKP. For in the search for a vehicle to be used in the anti-bases campaign, it was decided that the DSKP should take a lead role in the campaign. Mobilizing a number of students and young Party cadres working in the different sectors on the 12 September mass mobilization, the DSKP represented the social democratic youth’s position for a total rejection of the treaty. Following it up on the 16th of September, on which the Party came out with the position of rejection of the treaty.

Unfortunately, these efforts were not followed-up as most of the young Party cadres were involved in other tasks.

REDIRECTION

Things had cooled down for the Party youth cadres after the September 1991 rejection of the U.S. Bases Treaty. The ambitions of the Party to become a major player in the 1992 Presidential elections had tied down to work the young Party cadres to support the Party’s electoral initiatives. The National Youth Department started a series of consultations in the other sectors. Consultations were done in Mindanao, STR, Bicol, Western Visayas, and Northern Luzon.

The results of these consultations were the opening of new contacts in regions which were initially dissolved in the operations of the NYD. Also was the assumption into office in the Presidential Council for Youth Affairs (PCYA) by Comrade Junie Agcaoili which had provided opportunities for the young cadres in the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK).

The selection of the desired Presidential candidate by the Aquino Administration was greeted with intensification of Party work by the youth cadres as most of them were assigned in the local electoral arenas around the country. BY April 1992, the NYD assisted in the campaign of senatorial candidates in the LAKAS EDSA slate who were perceived to be of pro-people character. Through the ISO Student and Advocacy Desks, the DSU launched an anti-traditional politics campaign and involved itself with the Parish Pastoral Council on Responsible Voting (PPCR-V).

Although the Party was part of the winning coalition, it was dramatically weakened as it was stretched to the limit in terms of logistics. Its lack of experience in the electoral arena, especially that of something which is national in scope had also contributed to this weakness. It was propagated as the social democratic party committed to the advancement of the interests of the masses, but to where had been the question of Young Party Cadres.

On November 1992,the National Youth Department called for a meeting of young Party cadres attended by former heads of the NYD from 1986-1992 and representatives from Bicol, Metro Manila, Mindanao, and Southern Tagalog. Together with Party General-Secretary Comrade Rolando Librojo Jr., they assessed the status of involvement of the Party in the youth sector. The Forum decided to map out a new strategic direction of re-animating the Philippine Student Movement from its former strategy of realignment of the student movement.

It called for the strengthening of the DSU, as it was reaffirmed that the ISO Students’ Desk will provide direction for DSU organizing. The DSKP‘s reconstitution was resolved to be a primary consideration in rebuilding the Philippine social democratic youth movement. And due to the reality that there is support for this effort, the need to revitalize the IYD was also taken to note and acted upon.

Implementing the decisions was the NYD under Comrade Eric Valencia who took the initiative of following-up the reorganization of the DSKP. With other young Party cadres who had attended the November 1992 Forum, they planned-out the eventual redirection of the social democratic youth movement.

The First DSKP National Consultative Assembly was pushed for and succeeded in bringing together the various DSKP cadres scattered around the country together. On February 26-28, 1993, the National Consultative Assembly assessed, evaluated and debated upon the formation of the DSKP.

Firstly, due to the weakness of the DSKP to take on a generally mass-character, this formation of membership was reverted back to cadre form and mass organizing of the DSKP cadres on various youth fronts shall be done through mass organizations which had succeeded in recruiting more members in areas where the DSKP had none.

Secondly, the dissolution of the national structure which shall be replaced by a Coordinating Committee composed of sub-committees on Finance, Documentation and Membership which shall function as a secretariat.

And thirdly, the secretariat shall function for a certain period until the complete updating and auditing of membership, organizations controlled or influenced, and stabilization of the financial situation had been achieved. Upon the accomplishment of these tasks, the Coordinating Committee shall then had itself dissolved by the time of the DSKP National Congress of Cadres was called for.

Furthermore, the strengthening of the IYD as a viable support institution also prioritized through staff upgrading, professionalization and external support. The IYD shall then act as an NGO which shall cover youth and children as this shall be areas the DSKP could not fully focus as it had to go on operationalizing different sectoral bureaus among workers, peasants, students, professionals, and women.

THE STRUGGLE HAS TO GO ON

To where has been the object concern by the young Party cadres who had staked-out their lives for the liberation of the masses. For this decade had been marked by decrease in youth militancy. Or shall it be a matter of the role of the young social democratic struggle. Even at this point in time, our society had been dominated by sharp social divisions. The problems confronting Philippine society had been the same, and they had taken new forms. The challenge to continue the revolution must be faced or be judged by history by our inaction.

Years had been committed in the struggle, and we must not let our comrades who had fallen along the way see that all the sacrifices they had given, thrown away.